Richardson, H. G., 'The Commons and Medieval Politics', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 28 (1946), 21-45

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Quick Summary

The commons in parliament had limited political power in late medieval England

  • The commons under Richard II and Henry IV acquiesced to decisions made above their heads
  • The importance of the commons in parliament was not recognised until 1327
  • Securing the goodwill of the commons did hold value for medieval kings
Key Conclusion

Richardson outlines the evolution of parliament from 1258 to mid-fifteenth century. Richardson concludes that although the commons played an important role in assenting to taxation and formulating legislation, they exercised little ‘political power’. By political power, Richardson means ‘great deliberation on all national matters’ (p. 21). In matters of war and peace, religion and even economic policy they acquiesced to decisions ‘made above their heads’ (p. 31). When a king was deposed the commons were ‘not agents of revolution’, rather their ‘duty was to accept and acquiesce’ (p. 29). Ultimately, according to Richardson’s analysis, the ‘commons under Richard II and Henry IV were credulous and willing to be led’ (p. 43).

Content Overview

Richardson traces the origins of parliament to 1258 when ‘parliament takes definite form’ (p. 23). Meanwhile the baronage (members of the nobility) ‘climbed into power and sat perpetually and without question beside the king’ (p. 25) throughout the course of the fourteenth century. The importance of the commons in parliament was not confirmed until 1327, when it was determined that ‘common petitions’ – petitions concerning broad political issues which formed the basis for legislation – should be put forward not by the baronage but by the commons. After this year, also, the right of the commons to be represented in parliament was recognised.

Further Findings

Richardson observes that the commons played a ‘subordinate, if respectable, part in the proceedings of parliament’. Nevertheless, securing the goodwill and cooperation of the commons did hold value for medieval kings (p. 37). In particular, Richardson points out that if the ‘commons had been well disposed towards Richard II in 1386 the impeachment of Michael de la Pole would have been frustrated’. For this reason, Richardson notes that for medieval kings the commons were ‘on occasion, worth wooing and worth managing’ (p. 38). Ultimately, however, the duties of the commons in parliament were ‘critical rather than constructive’ – they were not expected to play an influential role in political decision making (p. 32).

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